Repatriation of Sacred Objects: A Long Overdue Process
In the basement storage facilities of major American and European museums sit thousands of objects that were taken from Indigenous communities without consent. Ceremonial masks. Burial goods removed from graves.

In the basement storage facilities of major American and European museums sit thousands of objects that were taken from Indigenous communities without consent. Ceremonial masks. Burial goods removed from graves. Sacred bundles whose contents are known only to specific clans and whose display in a public institution causes active spiritual harm to the communities from which they came. Human remains, too, held for decades as scientific specimens after being excavated from sites that any visiting party would immediately recognise as graves.
The legal and ethical framework for returning these objects has existed in the United States since 1990, when the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, known as NAGPRA, was signed into law. More than three decades later, the work is still far from complete. The gap between what the law requires and what has actually been returned is large, and the explanations institutions give for that gap reveal as much about institutional priorities as about logistical complexity.
How NAGPRA Is Supposed to Work
NAGPRA requires federally funded museums and institutions to compile inventories of Native American human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony in their collections. Once identified, institutions must notify lineal descendants and affiliated tribes, and upon request, transfer those items to the requesting parties.
The categories are important. Funerary objects are items placed with the dead as part of burial practice. Sacred objects are items whose primary traditional cultural purpose is religious. Objects of cultural patrimony are those that had ongoing historical, traditional, or cultural importance to an entire group, as distinct from individual property, and that were not owned by any individual before they were acquired by a museum or collector.
On paper, this is a reasonably clear framework. In practice, institutions have used each category as an opportunity to dispute claims. They argue that they cannot determine affiliation with sufficient certainty. They contest whether an object is genuinely sacred or primarily aesthetic. They question the continuity between the community filing the claim and the community from which the object came. These disputes can take years to resolve, and during that time the object remains in institutional custody.
The federal compliance record has been extensively documented. Investigations have found that many institutions holding large collections have completed only partial inventories, reported items in categories that trigger fewer return obligations, or simply failed to notify tribes of items to which they have clear legal claims. Penalties under the original law were weak, and enforcement was inconsistent. Amendments to NAGPRA regulations, most recently updated in 2023, have attempted to tighten requirements, but implementation remains uneven.
What Institutions Gain from Delay
The question of why institutions delay repatriation requires an honest answer. Part of it is bureaucratic inertia: large collections, understaffed compliance offices, and competing institutional priorities create conditions in which nothing urgent happens unless someone pushes. But there are also structural incentives that work against return.
Collections are assets. They attract donors, justify acquisition budgets, and underpin the institutional identity of museums built around the idea that they hold and display the world's cultural heritage. Returning objects reduces collection size. For institutions whose prestige is partly measured by the breadth of what they hold, repatriation is experienced as loss even when the legal and ethical case for return is unambiguous.
There is also, in some cases, a genuine philosophical dispute about the purpose of museums. Some curators and administrators hold the view that large centralised collections allow more people to encounter a wider range of cultural objects, and that this access serves a public good that outweighs the preferences of the communities from which objects came. Indigenous scholars have engaged with this argument at length and found it wanting. The claim that a Hopi mask serves the public better in a museum case in New York than in the community for which it was made, and to which it belongs in a living religious sense, reflects a specific set of values about whose access matters and whose cultural practices are worth sustaining.
Organisations tracking repatriation progress across institutions, including resources listed at ankertoto, have documented cases where objects of clear sacred significance remained in institutional storage for decades after formal repatriation requests were filed, with institutions citing documentation disputes that communities argued were pretextual.
The Human Cost of Unresolved Claims
It can be easy to discuss repatriation in abstract terms of legal compliance and institutional policy. The actual stakes are more concrete.
For communities seeking the return of sacred objects, the continuing presence of those items in museum storage is not a bureaucratic inconvenience. Ceremonies cannot be completed without certain objects. Ritual knowledge that is tied to specific items degrades over time when those items are inaccessible. The people who hold that knowledge age. In cases where the knowledge and the object have been separated for decades, reconnecting them requires a living transmission that can only happen while the knowledge-holders are still present to make it.
Human remains present a different dimension of the same problem. Many Native communities hold beliefs about the relationship between the dead and the living that make the disturbance of burial sites and the retention of remains in scientific storage a continuing wrong, not merely a historical one. The idea that ancestors are being held, that they cannot complete their journey while their bones are catalogued and stored in acid-free boxes, is not a metaphor for many communities. It is a description of a real situation that causes real harm.
The repatriation of remains and objects is therefore not primarily a legal compliance exercise. It is a matter of cultural continuity and community healing. Institutions that understand it in those terms tend to approach the work differently from those that treat it as a regulatory burden to be minimised. The difference in outcomes is visible in the records: some institutions have moved quickly and comprehensively; others with larger collections and greater resources have returned far less.
What the coming years will determine is whether tightened regulations and sustained community pressure are sufficient to move institutions that have resisted change, or whether the structural incentives to hold are strong enough to outlast the legal mechanisms designed to compel return.
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